Tag Archives: Jewish

Parts & Labour Whitechapel Restaurant Review

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Parts and Labour is the new restaurant that has just opened in Whitechapel within the Qbic London City Hotel. Parts & Labour serves modern British food and offers all day dining within a cool and vibrant space. The decor is fresh and funky, featuring Scandinavian design influences. Channelling the Jewish heritage of the Whitechapel area, Parts & Labour also serves an array of traditional Jewish dishes such as Toasted Rueben (a hot salt beef sandwich, with sauerkraut and Swiss cheese), Chicken soup with dumplings and Sabich (flat bread topped with egg, aubergine and salad).

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My colleague, Paloma, and I take our seats and I order a coke. Paloma goes for a Spanish Rioja which smells amazing. She likes it. The menu looks great and it takes us a while to decide. In the end I go for something traditional: Ham & Cheddar Croquettes with Herb Mayonnaise and Paloma has the Chicken Liver Pate, Apple Chutney and Brioche. The chicken liver is creamy and soft with a delicate hint of metallic flavours. It has little chunks of onion and spread over the sweet, sticky and toasted brioche, with a lick of chutney combined gives all the right textures and tastes. My croquettes are delicious, the filling is perfect and they are just the right size. The herb mayonnaise is gorgeous and goes perfectly with the croquettes.

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For our mains I have the 6oz Cheeseburger, Onion Marmalade and Chips and Paloma has the Salmon Fishcake, Buttered Spinach and Brown Shrimp Butter Sauce. My burger is AMAZING. Really good. The onion marmalade goes perfectly and you can’t go wrong with chips. The tomato ketchup comes in a cool, retro tomato. The salmon fishcake was beautifully browned and fluffy inside. The sauce was delicious, salty butter fused with spinach.

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For dessert we have the Apple & Rhubarb Crumble with Custard and Chocolate Marquise with Prunes, Pistachio and Meringue. The crumble is crispy and sweet which complimented the sour taste of the rhubarb. It is tasty indeed. The Chocolate Marquise is something to behold: I don’t normally order anything with prunes or pistachio but this dish is amazing. The Chocolate Marquise is divine, the pistachio mousse is mouth-watering, the meringue is perfect and the prune sauce is good. It works well together and is a really wonderful desert. I want to eat it again.

The food is great, the hotel is quirky and cool, and the service is excellent. We loved Parts & Labour. I might even go again despite living on the opposite side of London.

 

 https://london.qbichotels.com/en/enjoy-our-bar-and-restaurant.html

 For reservations 0203 021 3300 or email: reservations@partsandlabour.london

 

Qbic London City Hotel
42 Adler Street,
London,
E1 1EE

And Then They Came For Me Hosted By Zac Goldsmith & Eva Schloss: Tickets Available

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On the 18th of September, Nic Careem, the owner and founder of the Blue Sky Network, will have another performance of his acclaimed play; And Then They Came For Me. Richmond MP Zac Goldsmith will be joined by the Mayor of Richmond to introduce the Eva Schloss/Anne Frank play next Wednesday (18th) in Kew. There are a few complimentary tickets for Richmond, Kew and Kingston citizens.

And Then They Came For Me is a strong, anti-hate play about the holocaust. [Disclaimer: I have performed in this play on the West End]. This play should be seen by everyone. It is very powerful and based on the life of Eva Schloss, holocaust survivor and writer of powerful and heartbreaking books on her experience. A must see. Ticket information below.

Upstairs at the Pavilion, 288 Kew Road, Kew Gardens, Surrey, TW9 3DU.

And Then They Came For Me, Zac Goldsmith, Eva Schloss, Nic Careem

Parade – Theatre Review

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I have wanted to see the musical ‘Parade’ for a long time. Sitting across the road from the Southwark Playhouse before the show, I overheard a man say to a woman: “Cheer up, you’re about to see the saddest musical every written!” And so I waited eagerly in anticipation.

Set in the 1910s in Georgia, we follow the tragic story of a Jewish factory owner, Leo Frank, as he is accused of abusing and murdering Mary Phagan (Jessica Bastick-Vines), a young girl who worked for him.

A drunken reporter, played by David Haydn, sobers up to return as a master of spin. He and Hugh Dorsey (Mark Inscoe), prosecution lawyer, rally up public support, and convince members of the community to bend the truth, and more often than not, to lie about their experiences of Mr Frank.

His only hope of rescue from a public hanging is his loving wife, Lucille (Laura Pitt-Pilford), who tugs at the heart strings of Governor Slaton (also David Haydn). He agrees to stand up for Leo, a man that he believes is an innocent outcast. Are these efforts enough to save him from the fury of the masses who need to see justice done, quickly?

Suffice to say, each and every singing voice was capable of setting the heart racing. The discordant harmonies of the chorus were touching, unsettling and emotive, and though I am not a trained singer, it was rare to hear an unsupported, pushed note from this experienced and talented cast.

Before we fully meet the protagonists, a distraught and dazed Frankie Epps (Samuel J Weir) recalls how young Mary’s ‘smile was like a glass of lemonade’. The song was delivered with a beautiful subtlety. The lyrics are so highly personal, that the performer needs a deep internal understanding of the character and his position in order to deliver them with complete truthfulness, which Weir was on the verge of.

Alastair Brookshaw (as Leo Frank) gave an equally strong vocal performance. I was touched on several occasions by the honesty of his performance, in particular when he sang to his wife, finding the confidence to simply say (possibly for the first time after years of marriage), ‘I love you’. However, the honesty was not consistent. The choice to listen intently to what the text tells us about his character’s nervous mannerisms was commendable. However, in times of extreme hardship, even the most agitated of people might break from their habitual mannerisms, look people in the eye, and show some humanity.

Both Laura Pitt-Pulford as Lucille Frank, and Terry Doe, in various roles, stood out as giving full commitment to the finer details of their performances. When Lucille begged for the Governor’s help, and when Riley (Doe) hit the deck, when singing about the injustice of a juridical system that prioritises murder of white victims in the courts, there was no rest from the illusion that they had created.

I have not commented on every performance, but that is no negative reflection on the others. A strong cast, fantastic set, and sharp direction by Thom Southerland and co. left us with something to think about. I wanted to be moved more, but I blame it on that man I overheard before the show, preparing me for floods of tears.

Natalie Portman names son Alef

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Natalie Portman has named her baby son Alef.

The Oscar-winning actress and her fiance, choreographer Benjamin Millepied, have named their first child – who was born last month – after the first letter in the Hebrew alphabet.

According to Israeli TV Show ‘Good Evening with Guy Pines’, the Jewish actress decided to pay homage to her motherland with the moniker, which also means the “oneness of God”.

Meanwhile, the couple – who met on the set of ‘Black Swan’- have decided their son will adopt both their last names with the surname Portman-Millepied.

Prior to the birth of baby Alef, who is yet to be seen in public, Natalie admitted her Jewish ancestry had caused her to be “superstitious”.

She explained: “I think it’s a Jewish thing to be kind of superstitious. You don’t do any of the baby stuff before the baby arrives.”

Throughout her pregnancy Natalie paid tribute to her parents Avner and Shelley Hershlag, saying she hoped to look after her child in the same way that she was brought up.

She said: “If I am a shadow as good a parent, an echo, then I will be the best in the world, so thank you.”

James Yardley on The Elusive Peace – An examination into the future of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Part 2.

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The Elusive Peace – An examination into the future of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Part 2 – What are the internal divisions within Israel and how does this affect the chances of a future peace settlement with the Palestinians.

Israel

At first glance Israel appears a united country but when it comes to the question of the Palestinians, Israel is deeply divided. These divisions are exacerbated by Israel’s electoral system which is one of proportional representation. Israel has a wide range of different political parties. Many are very small special interest parties often campaigning on a single policy. The Israeli parliament, the Knesset is made up of 120 seats. To form a government a party needs to gain 61 seats. However because of the system of proportional representation no party ever forms a majority. In 2009 the largest party Kadima achieved only 22% of the vote gaining 28 seats. Miles short of the 61 needed for a majority.

Israeli governments tend to be a fragile coalition of various parties and as a result tend to be weak. Often the main body of a coalition may struggle to appease more radical elements. Unsurprisingly the average Israeli government has only lasted 25 months as inevitably elements within the coalition fall out with one another. A series of weak governments has made it difficult for an Israeli prime ministers to take decisive action regarding the Palestinian question.

An important point to consider in regard to the Palestinian question is that Israel is surprisingly only about 70% Jewish. There is a substantial and growing Arab minority making up around 20% of the population. There are two Israeli Arab political parties, United Arab List (4 seats) and Balad (3seats). Some commentators have speculated there is potential for internal conflict should this minority continue to grow. The strained situation is heightened by the fact that the Arab minority maintains very close ties with those in the occupied territories. There have already been incidents of rioting and unrest during the first intifada (1987-1993) and the second intifada (2000- ).

Many in Israel are also very much aware of this threat. This is illustrated by Yisrael Beiteinu, a secular nationalist party which uses the slogan, ‘no loyalty, no citizenship’ towards Israeli Arabs and is described by the Israeli media as ‘far right’. The party wants to create a new Palestinian state and then transfer areas of high Arab population in Israel to this new state in exchange for Jewish areas in the West Bank. Despite being a very new party founded in 1999, which initially only achieved 4 seats, it has now grown to be the third largest party in the Knesset gaining 15 seats in the 2009 general election. Israeli Arabs remain vehemently opposed to the idea. Israel has a much greater standard of living compared the occupied territories.

Likud (27 seats) the party of the current prime minister Netanyahu continue to oppose the creation of a Palestinian state and supports the building of more settlements within the West Bank. Shas (11seats) a religious party also tends to support this policy.

It has always been Likud’s policy to seek the whole land of Israel including in particular the areas of Judea and Samaria (the West Bank). They believe Israel has a right to own this land. This is why Israeli settlement building continues.

In the past their have been big internal divisions within the party and the country regarding the policy. This was most famously highlighted when Ariel Sharron (then prime minister and leader of Likud and previously known as the champion of the settlers) abandoned the policy and his party in 2005 forming a new centrist party (Kadima) in order to carry out a disengagement plan. Removing Israeli settlements from Palestinian areas in Gazza and some areas of the West Bank.

The withdrawal has been heavily criticised within Israel for many reasons and many view it as a failure given the Hamas rocket attacks from Gazza in 2008. Since the withdrawal Israeli public opinion has seen a large shift in support back towards the right. In the most recent elections Likud more than doubled its number of seats.

A combination of deep internal divisions and successive weak governments continue to contribute to the lack of progress regarding a settlement with the Palestinians. Although these are by no means the only or most important factors. In the next article we will examine the impact of internal Palestinian divisions on a future peace settlement.

by James Yardley

James Yardley on The Elusive Peace – An examination into the future of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

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The Elusive Peace – An examination into the future of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Part 1 – What are Israel’s Options Regarding the Occupied Territories of the West Bank and Gazza?

Its now almost 75 years since the first attempt was made to divide Palestine into separate Jewish and Arabic states. Back then the British Peel commission recommended that 80% of the land in Palestine should make up part of a new Arab state. Today it’s hard to imagine such a proposal was ever considered. Since the Peel proposal a Jewish state has been created and gone on to prosper but the Palestinians remain without the state they have been seeking for so long. But Israel’s options over what to do with the occupied territories are limited and diminishing. Has the time finally come for the creation of the elusive Palestinian state?

In 1988 King Hussein of Jordan renounced all claims and ties with the occupied territories (Gazza and the West Bank). This ruled out one of Israel’s major options for the territories which they had been occupying since the 1967 war. Many Israeli’s had hoped that the Palestinian problem could be solved with a peace agreement with Jordan. The West Bank would be divided between Israel and Jordan. Jordan would then take on the difficult responsibility of governing the Palestinians.

After Jordan pulled out of the West Bank calls for a Palestinian state became increasingly vocal. It was much harder for Israel to ignore the Palestinians and the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) since Jordan stated, ‘the PLO is the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people’. Prior to the withdrawal Israel had always been able to avoid dealing with the Palestinians directly, dealing instead with Jordan. After 1988 this was no longer an option.

Jordan’s decision left Israel with only 2 options over what to do with the occupied territories. The first is a one state solution, whereby the Israel annexes the West Bank and the Gaza strip, thereby assimilating them with the rest of Israel. However this is never considered a realistic option by the Israeli government or Israeli Jews. To assimilate the millions of Palestinians would defeat the purpose of a Jewish state and many fear it would threaten its existence.

This leaves Israel with the only one viable option, a two state solution. The creation of a separate Palestinian state encompassing both the West Bank and the Gazza strip, alongside the existing Israeli state. This is what the Palestinians want and given we know a one state solution is not an option, this is surely what Israel wants as well. A poll in 2007 showed that 70% of Israeli Jews were in favour of a two state solution. So why is it so hard to implement if both sides want the same thing? Why are negotiations always at a permanent stalemate?

Despite that lack of options remaining most Israeli’s are certainly in no rush to create a Palestinian state. It has been 22 years since Jordan renounced it ties with the West Bank and it still appears as if a Palestinian state is a long way off.

There is also a third option for Israel which we have not yet considered. That is a policy of maintaining the status quo or consolidation. A number of the right wing parties openly endorse this policy some of whom are part of Benjamin Netanyahu’s (prime minister of Israel) fragile coalition government. Likud itself (the right wing party Netanyahu leads) does not believe in a fully sovereign independent Palestinian state.

The Palestinian situation is also much more complicated. Many still refuse to recognise Israel’s right to exist. Some will settle for nothing less than the complete replacement of Israel with a Palestinian state.

The situation has been severely complicated by large divisions within both sides. The next article will take a closer look into these internal divisions. Why do some Israelis fear a Palestinian state and should they? Why is Israel still building new settlements in East Jerusalem? Will Hamas moderate? What is the future for Fatah? Is there any hope for a settlement in the near future?